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His studies on
an integrated community helped shape Kenneth Clark’s historic
brief in Brown v. Board of Education, the Supreme Court case that
led to the desegregation of public schools. His adoption of the
focused interview to elicit the responses of groups to texts, radio
programs and films led to the “focus groups” that politicians,
their handlers, marketers and hucksters now find indispensable.
Long after he helped devise the methodology, Mr. Merton deplored
its abuse and misuse but added, “I wish I’d get a royalty
on it.”
He spent much of his professional life at
Columbia University, where along with his collaborator of 35 years,
Paul F. Lazarsfield, who died in 1976, he developed the Bureau of
Applied Social Research, where the early focus groups originated.
The course of his career paralleled the growth and acceptance of
sociology as a bona fide academic discipline. As late as 1939 there
were fewer than 1,000 sociologists in the United States, but soon
after Mr. Merton was elected president of the American Sociological
Association in 1957, the group had 4,500 members.
Mr. Merton was sometimes called “Mr.
Sociology,” and Jonathan R. Cole, a former student and the
provost at Columbia, once said, “If there were a Nobel Prize
in sociology, there would have been no question he would have gotten
it.” (Mr. Merton’s son, Robert C. Merton, won a Nobel
Prize in economics in 1997.)
Another of Mr. Merton’s contributions
to sociology was his emphasis on what he termed “theories
of the middle range.” By these he meant the undertakings that
steered clear of grand speculative and abstract doctrines while
also avoiding pedantic inquiries that were unlikely to yield significant
results. What he preferred were initiatives that might yield findings
of consequence and that open lines of further inquiry. In his own
writings he favored the essay form, “which provides scope
for asides and correlatives,” he said, over the more common
and streamlined scientific paper.
He was often came up with clearly phrased
observations that contained originality with seeming simplicity.
Eugene Garfield, an information scientist, wrote that much of Mr.
Merton’s work was “so transparently true that one can’t
imagine why no one else has bothered to point it out.”
One early example of such illuminating insight
appeared in a paper called “Social Structure and Anomie”
that he wrote as a graduate student at Harvard in 1936 and then
kept revising over the next decade.
Mr. Merton had asked himself what it was
that brought about anomie, a state in which, according to Mr. Durkheim,
the breakdown of social standards threatened social cohesion. In
a breakthrough that spawned many lines of inquiry, Mr. Merton suggested
that anomie was likely to arise when society’s members were
denied adequate means of achieving the very cultural that their
society projected, like wealth, power, fame or enlightenment. Among
the spin-offs of this work were Mr. Merton’s own writings
on the ranges of deviant behavior and crime.
A tall, pipe-smoking scholar, Mr. Merton
often used the trajectory of his life story, from slum to academic
achievement, as material illustrating the workings of serendipity,
chance and coincidence, which so long fascinated him.
Robert King Merton was born Meyer R. Schkolnick
on July 4, 1910, in South Philadelphia; he carried that name for
the first 14 years of his life. He was the son of immigrants from
Eastern Europe and lived in an apartment in above his father’s
milk, butter, and egg store until the building burned down. As a
teenager performing magic tricks at birthday parties, he adopted
Robert Merlin as a stage name, but when a friend convinced him that
his choice of the ancient wizard’s name was hackneyed, he
modified it, adopting Merton with the occurrence of his Americanizing
mother after he won a scholarship to Temple University.
In a lecture to the American Council of
Learned Societies in 1994, Mr. Merton said that thanks to the libraries,
schools, orchestras to which he had access, and even to the youth
gang that he had joined, his early years had prepared him well for
what he called a life of learning. “My fellow sociologists
will have noticed,” he said, “how that seemingly deprived
South Philadelphia slum was providing a youngster with every sort
of capital - social capital, cultural capital, human capital, and
above all, what we may call public capital - that is, with every
sort of capital except the personally financial.” It is not
difficult to see connections between such views and Mr. Merton’s
insights into the causes of anomie.
In a 1961 New Yorker magazine profile by
Morton Hunt, Mr. Merton was described as displaying “a surprising
catholicity of interests and a talent for good conversation, impaired
only slightly by the fact that he is alarmingly well informed about
everything from baseball to Kant and is unhesitatingly ready to
tell anybody about any or all of it.”
Indeed, what is Mr. Merton’s most
widely known book, “On the Shoulders of Giants,” went
far beyond the confines of sociology. Referred to by Mr. Merton
as his “prodigal brain-child,” it reveals the depth
of his curiosity, the breadth of his prodigious research and the
extraordinary patience that also characterize his academic writing.
The effort began in 1942, when, in an essay called “A Note
on Science and Democracy,” Mr. Merton referred to a remark
by Isaac Newton: “If I have seen farther, it is by standing
on the shoulders of giants.” He added a footnote pointing
out that “Newton’s aphorism is a standardized phrase
which has found repeated expression from at least the 12th century.”
But Mr. Merton did not stop there. Intermittently
during the next 23 years he tracked the aphorism back in time, following
blind alleys as well as fruitful avenues and finally finished the
book in 1965, writing in a discursive style that the author attributed
to his early reading and subsequent rereadings of Laurence Sterne’s
“Tristam Shandy.” Denis Donoghue, the critic and literary
scholar wrote of the book admiringly as “an eccentric and
yet concentric work of art, a work sufficiently flexible to allow
a digression every 10 pages or so.” He admitted, “ I
wish I had written ‘On the Shoulders of Giants’.”
More recently, over the last three and a
half decades, Mr. Merton had been gathering information about the
idea and workings of serendipity, and thinking about it in the same
spirit in which he had written the earlier book, which he like to
call by its acronym, OTSOG. As he had done with all his investigations,
he collated and pondered data he had entered on index cards. Most
days he started work at 4:30a.m., with some of his 15 cats keeping
him company. During the last years of his life, as he fought and
overcame six different cancers, his Italian publisher, Il Mulino,
prevailed on him to allow then to issue his writings on serendipity
as a book. And four days before his death, his wife, the sociologist
Harriet Zuckerman, received word that Princeton University Press
had approved publication of the English version under the title,
“The Travels and Adventures of Serendipity.”
In addition to Ms. Zuckerman and his son,
Mr. Merton is survived by two daughters, Stephanie Tombrello of
Pasadena, Calif., and Vanessa Merton of Hastings-on-Hudson; nine
grandchildren; and nine great-grandchildren. |
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